Full Text Briefings To The Security Council On The Situation In Iraq
The Full Text Of My Briefings To The Security Council On The Situation In Iraq
by Jeanine Plasschaert and Hana Adwar Posted On 2022-05-24 By Sotaliraq
In view of the importance of what was stated in the briefing of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in Iraq, Jeanine Hennis-Plasschaert, and the Secretary of the Amal Organization Hana Adwar before the UN Security Council on the situation in Iraq, Al-Mada publishes the full text of these two briefings…….
Briefing by Jeanine Plasschaert: Today's briefing will make many observations that have become very familiar, as the negative aspects of Iraqi political life continue to repeat themselves in an apparently continuous cycle of zero-sum politics. But before I get into that, I'd like to share with you some impressions of the recent and ongoing wave of massive dust and sand storms sweeping through Iraq.
Now, while dust or sand storms in and of themselves are not a new phenomenon to the country, the current wave of storms far exceeds what Iraq has experienced in recent years. In the context of my briefing to this Council last February, I spoke about the dangers and effects of climate change, with desertification as a major concern. Since then, Iraq has suffered from severe dust and sand storms that clouded the sky and prompted people to seek shelter, and even caused people to fall ill or die.
At present, these storms are expected to become more frequent, in other words: continued inaction, in this regard, too, will have a heavy price. As I mention this, Mr. President, those storms are not the only concern of the people in Iraq.
Iraqis are still waiting for a political class that seeks, rather than content itself with outdated power battles, a political class that is trying to roll up its sleeves to make progress on Iraq's long list of outstanding domestic priorities. As you know, the national elections took place more than seven months ago, but the various deadlines in the process of forming a government have passed and have not been met.
Now, it is true that Iraq is not the only country facing a protracted process of government formation, but it is better for Iraq's political leaders not to hide behind this argument, as it distracts from what is at stake.
This pretext justifies the political blockage at a time when non-state armed groups are firing missiles with apparent freedom and succeeding with impunity. This pretext justifies the political deadlock while the general public is suffering. It justifies the political impasse when the rising anger - popular anger can erupt at any moment.
So I would like to ask a question: What does it take to realize that this is an absolutely untenable situation?
So far, political leaders support the idea of dialogue or another round of negotiations. But is there the necessary willingness to make concessions? It is painfully absent. If you visit any of the markets, Iraqis will tell you: The national interest - this time too - is falling back in favor of short-sighted considerations of resource control and the power game.
So, the time has come (and here I repeat what I have previously suggested), but it is time to refocus on what needs to be focused on: on the people of Iraq, and on a program of work that ensures the following:
• Providing adequate services to all citizens.
• Putting an end to the rampant corruption, factional phenomenon and looting of state institutions.
• Implementation of urgent required repairs.
• Diversification of the economy.
• Establishing a system of governance whose paths can be predicted instead of the continuous management of crises.
• Putting an end to impunity, where accountability is one of the most important features of the state.
• And of course, reining in armed non-state actors, while affirming the latter's authority.
You have heard me, and over the past three years, I have made these points many times, but the only thing that has remained clear is that the basic needs of the population have continued to be neglected for far too long.
Again, political inaction in Iraq has a heavy price, not (in the short term) for those in power, but for those who struggle to secure their livelihood from day to day.
Mr. President, I have a few remarks which I will list more specifically, starting with the relations between Baghdad and Erbil; The unfortunate pattern of self-contained negotiations continues to prevail rather than what is badly needed: a predictable institutional mechanism for a comprehensive, holistic and lasting solution to all outstanding issues.
Although this is clearly necessary, such a mechanism is still clearly missing, and this lack is unfortunately coupled with internal rivalries on both sides as well.
As I said last time: the spirit of partnership and cooperation can and should guide all parties involved, including with regard to the recent ruling of the Federal Supreme Court on the Kurdistan Regional Government's oil and gas law. Having worked with both sides on this issue, I am convinced that there is a way out.
However, the fact cannot be denied: events in the past have seriously undermined mutual trust and, accordingly, it will prove necessary to build trust, including a pledge to refrain from politically motivated unilateral actions in the future.
Mr. President, to shed more light on the political situation in the Kurdistan Region: In May last year, I participated in an event organized by the University of Kurdistan, a promising event attended by all the political parties in the Kurdistan Region.
In my speech there, I referred to the very bad impact of political rivalry and factionalism, and stressed the importance of unity, and not to confuse it with similarity, and spoke frankly about the need to move away from the division between “yellow and green” (the colors of the KDP and PUK logos). and on the responsibility of leaders to guide communication and bring together opposing interests, and focus on solutions that represent the interests of all people living in the Kurdistan Region—whether it is in Erbil, Dohuk, or Sulaymaniyah.
But a year later, it seems that this auspicious event has not received any attention. On the contrary, divisions have deepened, negatively affecting the people of the Kurdistan Region.
Now, I do not want to repeat what I said in that speech a year ago, but it should be clear that the Kurdistan Region has a choice, and with the Kurdistan Region elections scheduled for October 1 of this year, it is important to prepare the electoral arena - with the enjoyment of all Political actors, both large and small, have equal opportunity – in the sense of providing an enabling electoral environment.
In addition, I cannot but stress that geography is not always an advantage in the Kurdistan Region; In other words: the region's unique geopolitical circumstances should be reason enough to make its leaders think carefully. Of course, this also applies to Iraq as a whole. As I have said on countless occasions: Like it or not, the weakness of the homeland's home front only serves to create an environment conducive to continued external interference.
In a related context, let me also comment on the fall of the missiles and rockets; It's annoying, confusing, and dangerous.
With the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps claiming responsibility for firing up to twelve short-range ballistic missiles in the early hours of Sunday, March 13, another worrying chapter began.
While the Iranian Revolutionary Guard described the target site in Erbil as representing the “strategic center of the conspiracy and evil deeds of the Zionists,” no evidence was found to substantiate such allegations. The target site is defined as a civilian area that is a private compound.
Although both sides - Iraq and Iran - are currently engaged in dialogue and are unwilling to escalate the issue, Iraq rightly rejects the notion that it can be treated as a backyard area where neighbors and others frequently violate its sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Another example of this is the ongoing Turkish and Iranian bombings in the north. So what situation do we expect to see? That cross-border shelling and missiles become the new normal for Iraq? This is a very dangerous way to advance interests, and it is a way to further weaken the Iraqi state.
It goes without saying: that any country or actor seeking to settle a dispute has diplomatic tools at its disposal, including our good offices.
Speaking of armed actors operating outside the state’s control, which is a feature of the Iraqi situation: the reckless missile launches, including the targeting of an oil refinery in Erbil about two weeks ago, are alarming and unjustified. These attacks aim to undermine the security and stability of Iraq in the post-election situation, which is already characterized by extreme volatility and political fervor.
The truth is: “missile messaging,” “missile diplomacy” – these are reckless actions, with potentially devastating consequences. Also, and let me stress, Iraq does not need armed rulers who make themselves leaders. I stress once again the critical importance of asserting State authority. If the perpetrators are known, they should be identified, and this is necessary to establish the rule of law.
Ladies and gentlemen, I would like to turn to the urgent case of Sinjar:
As we all know for sure, the recent history of Sinjar has witnessed horrific ordeals culminating in the heinous crimes committed by ISIS. Today, while the local population urgently needs to rebuild their lives, they still face unreasonable obstacles. Obstacles due to disagreement over security arrangements, provision of public services, and unified administration.
The Sinjar Agreement, which Baghdad and Erbil signed in October 2020, was a ray of hope (for many): a first, but important, step in the right direction.
At the time, I expressed my hope that the agreement would open a new page for Sinjar, a page in which the needs of the people of Sinjar will be prioritized, and would help the displaced to return to their homes, speed up reconstruction and improve access to public services.
But for this to happen, the availability of stable governance and security structures - of course - are prerequisites for this. Now, since the agreement was signed, I have called for its speedy implementation, but it is clear that the opposite is the case. So far, no agreement has been reached on the selection of a new independent mayor, and the funds for the local security force are still withheld, possibly due to interference with the unclear appointment procedures.
Now, with regard to these appointment procedures: I stress once again the importance of taking a pragmatic and realistic path, since not everyone who joined “other forces” in the past can simply be treated in the same way. And we must realize that some of them, in the absence of state authority, simply chose to have their own safety net, identity and income to support their families.
We also called on Baghdad and Erbil to reach out to the people of Sinjar and to reach out to all the people of the judiciary. Meanwhile, critics of the Sinjar Agreement continued to focus on the lack of consultations with local communities.
Now, while no one can dismiss good advice - certainly not from UNAMI - it must be said: local consultations have and are taking place. At the same time, it is correct to say that both Baghdad and Erbil can and should increase their outreach at the grassroots level. Implementing any agreement that wins hearts and minds is hard work, and that is especially the case for this one.
Just writing things down on paper is not enough, rather it is necessary to follow up around the clock, seven days a week, take responsibility, work constantly, take the initiative with the local communities on the ground, clarify and explain matters and explain the reasons for taking a particular decision and how it would benefit the people of Sinjar. In the medium to long term. With this in mind: I would say that the great divisions and fragmentation of local communities are a fact of life in Sinjar, which makes things even more difficult.
In this context, it is also important to note that Sinjar has increasingly become an arena for foreign and domestic spoilers.
Now, while part of this case can be traced back to 2014 when ISIS began committing its atrocities, it is time eight years later to admit: Yes, mistakes were made in the past, but Sinjar is part of the Iraqi state.
By giving way to external and domestic spoilers, the situation will not improve. Now, it is best for all stakeholders to acknowledge this fact – despite their gratitude for the help and assistance they have received in the past. As you know, no one said that establishing stable security and management structures would be an easy path.
But it is undeniable that the lack of clear coordination and implementation mechanisms, the dominance of partisan interests and the constant presence of spoilers greatly impede tangible progress, and I have to say - international observers have been deployed for less.
Clashes erupted again in recent weeks, which unfortunately has led families from Sinjar to once again pack their belongings and seek their way back to the Kurdistan Region to seek shelter.
So let me repeat:
• The safety and security of the people of Sinjar must be of prime and fundamental importance at all times.
• They deserve peace under the authority of the state.
• There is no place for internal and external spoilers in Sinjar.
• Baghdad and Erbil must shoulder their responsibility and work together urgently with one goal only: to improve the lives of people on the ground and to promote the voluntary and dignified return of the displaced to their homes.
Mr. President, on the issue of missing Kuwaitis, third-country nationals and missing Kuwaiti property, including the National Archives, in recent months, the Iraqi Ministry of Defense has intensified its efforts to reach new witnesses through advertisements, media, consular and diplomatic channels worldwide. As a result, at least two new potential witnesses came forward during this period, which demonstrated that ads with a wide geographical reach can be useful for obtaining information.
This has shown that investing efforts in obtaining information from new witnesses and insisting on obtaining satellite image analysis from the relevant Member States are essential steps to close this critical and sensitive file.
Mr. President, I will conclude by emphasizing (again) the importance of overcoming the political stalemate, as important domestic issues are exacerbated by the ongoing effects of the pandemic and global geopolitical tensions.
A sincere, collective and urgent will to resolve political differences must now prevail in order for the country to move forward and meet the needs of its citizens.
Thank you, Mr. President
Briefing by Hana Adwar, Honorable President of the Security Council, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen, Members of the Security Council,
As a human rights defender and civil activist in Iraq for many years, I worked tirelessly with my colleagues after 2003 to rebuild societal awareness on the values and principles of human rights and gender justice. As a civil society movement, we have made tangible achievements in advocacy campaigns on laws, policies and programs, and in strengthening the movement to demand rights among youth, women, minorities and vulnerable social segments, which were reflected in the peaceful protests movement since 2011 that reached its climax in the October 2019 and 2020 popular uprising.
We realize that the process of change to build a democratic system and good governance requires hard work and tremendous patience to build. Now, after nearly twenty years, indicators - circulated by United Nations agencies and international research centers - indicate a terrible decline in the economic, social, cultural, health and environmental situation in Iraq, in light of a political system based on sectarian and ethnic quotas without a constitutional or legal basis. Its leadership is political blocs without a national vision to run the country, and also lacks trust among its parties, and between the parties, the ruling authorities and its institutions.
The state’s resources and budgets have been looted for its narrow and personal interests, and it has spread corruption and devastation in state institutions, and even its campaigns for reform and fighting corruption are major corruption. The country's sovereignty has also been violated in the face of continuous foreign military and security interventions.
Mr president, The rule of law in my country has been replaced by the proliferation of arms in the hands of clans and armed groups. Impunity is a prominent feature of the justice system, so citizens tend to resolve their disputes and disagreements on the basis of clan chapters rather than courts.
We are also witnessing the politicization of the justice system, where harsh judicial rulings are issued based on malicious cases against human rights defenders, media professionals and peaceful demonstrators, which have reached death sentences. The results of the investigations regarding the patterns of assassinations and violent attacks against them that were attributed to “unidentified armed elements” were not published.
The fate of a number of detained and kidnapped activists and media professionals is still unknown, not to mention the thousands of forcibly disappeared. The judiciary has not moved to discuss their cases and bring justice to their families, while those accused of drug crimes and major corruption are issued with light sentences, even innocence or a special pardon.
Democracy in Iraq was reduced by five general electoral processes, which led to the fermentation of alternative non-democratic situations under the title of consensus between the ruling political parties, in which we have now reached the stage of political stalemate.
The government is for the conduct of daily business, and its organs are suspended from exercising their functions due to the lack of a budget.
The House of Representatives is also suspended, despite the passage of nearly five months since the Federal Supreme Court ratified the election results.
Unfortunately, even the Federal Supreme Court concerned with interpreting the provisions of the constitution, its recent decisions have contributed to the hardening of the political stalemate, rather than the endeavor to dismantle it in the public interest.
The crisis of the people’s mistrust of the ruling class and public institutions deepened, and even in the October 2021 elections, the voter turnout did not exceed 35 percent at best. And about the calls for reform and change launched by political decision-makers, there is a proverb that Iraqis repeat: “The tried does not try.”
Honorable ladies and gentlemen, in the face of the bitter and perilous reality we live in, reform and change have become an urgent and immediate need to achieve stability, security and peaceful coexistence among Iraqis, according to a new social contract that guarantees equal citizenship that embraces diversity, social justice and the peaceful transfer of power within the framework of a civil state.
I appeal to the international community, before it is too late, to take a deliberate initiative, within a specific time frame, towards putting pressure on the Iraqi authorities and political decision-makers, to work seriously to overcome the state of political stalemate and divisions among them, and to give priority to the interests of the Iraqi people over their narrow factional interests, and to respect their international obligations to international agreements human rights.
It is important to include civil society organizations within the initiative to activate their role in defending human rights, public freedoms and the rule of law, pressure to end impunity, and promote peaceful coexistence, transparency, accountability, good governance and sustainable development.